Shalu's Hidden Treasure: The Paintings of the Shadakshari Chapel

By Helmut Neumann

Akshobhya mandala North wall, Shadakshari chapel, Shalu monastery, Tibet Autonomous Region Mural painting, early 14th century

The religious zeal which spread from Western to Central Tibet during the second propagation of Buddhism in the eleventh century led to the erection of major temples. The gser.khang (golden temple) of Shalu near Shigatse in Central Tibet is one of the most prominent examples, as well as being one of the few which have survived to the present day. The original building programme was begun in the middle of the first half of the eleventh century, and the temple was laid out on an east-west axis. It consisted of twin chapels in the west, which were constructed first and, separated by a wide space, a two-storey building in the east. This consisted of entrance corridors on the lower floor and the yum.chen.mo lag.khang (`Great Mother chapel'), dedicated to Prajnaparamita, on the upper floor. Fortunately, although severely damaged in the 1960s and 1970s, parts of the original paintings have survived. The paintings in the entrance corridor were the subject of an essay by Franco Ricca and Lionel Fournier (`Notes Concerning the Mgon-khan of Zhwa-lu', in Artibus Asiae 56 [1996], no. 3-4, pp. 343-63), but the few surviving paintings of the northern twin chapel and the yum.chen.mo lag.khang have largely escaped attention, primarily because they are not readily accessible for photography. High up, under the ceiling of the northern twin chapel, wall paintings of a series of bodhisattvas have survived, which in their Pala-derived style clearly testify to the eleventh century date (Fig. 1).

The major building phase at Shalu, in which the temple attained the size and form it has largely maintained to the present day, began around the end of the thirteenth century. At first, a large chapel was built on the northern side of the wide space between the twin chapels and the yum.chen.mo lag.khang, called the Chapel with Three Doors (sgo.sum lag.khang). A few years later, a similar chapel was added on the south side, thereby creating the fourth wall of the large temple hall between these five chapels, still used as the main assembly hall (du.khang) for the monks. The southern chapel is known as `Rhinoceros Hide Chapel' (bse.sgo.malag.khang) referring to the skin that once covered its door. Its construction was just the start of a major building programme, in which the great processional corridor encircled four chapels on the ground floor, followed by construction of the first floor with four chapels, and concluded with the building of the pagoda-type roof with green glazed tiles in the Chinese style. As stated in the Genealogies of Shalu, which give a complete account of the history of the building, this expansion was made possible by the political and financial backing which the secular ruler of Shalu received from China's Mongol emperor, Themur (Chengzong; r. 1294-1307) (Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Rome, 1949, vol. 2, pp. 656-62). This must have happened in 1306 (as determined by Roberto Vitali on the basis of circumstantial evidence; Early Temples of Central Tibet, London, 1990, p.100) and was certainly influenced by the decline of Sakyapa favours at the Yuan court (1279-1368), which as a consequence shifted to the rulers of Shalu. Shalu witnessed the zenith of its religious and political importance when the great scholar Buton (bu.ston; 1289-1364), who came to the temple in 1320, was abbot (Tucci, op. cit., p. 660).

He planned the mandala cycles which were painted on the walls of the chapels on the first floor. Unfortunately these have survived only in an extremely damaged condition. Shalu therefore derives its art-historical importance primarily from the few surviving eleventh century murals in the old entrance corridors and the early fourteenth century paintings on the walls of the bse.sgo.ma and sgo.sum lag.khang as well as the two processional corridors. Some of these paintings have been published in books and articles, primarily in the last ten years. They are splendid examples of early fourteenth century Tibetan art, painted in the special Newari style which flourished under the great master Aniko (1245-1306) at the Yuan court. However, one chapel has so far escaped major attention, since it is hidden, accessible only by a small door. Its present use as a depository precludes it from being shown to visitors. Called `Half-Pillar Chapel' by the local monks because of its small size, or `Chapel of the Entire Magnificent Shine' (gzi'.byin tham.cad.pa lag.khang), it is situated between the northern twin chapel and the sgo.sum lag.khang (Fig. 2). The central painting shows a seated, white Avalokiteshvara (first published by Hugo Kreijger: `Mural Styles at Shalu', in Jane Casey Singer, Tibetan Art, London, 1997). The chapel, which is the primary focus of this article, excels in the richness and beauty of its wall paintings, which include some rare iconographies, one of only two well-preserved mandalas in Shalu and the only major series of inscribed religious dignitaries in this monastery. Avalokiteshvara is in the centre of a complex composition covering the entire east wall (Fig. 3). He is portrayed as Shadakshari Lokeshvara in the four-armed form, holding a rosary and lotus flower, his main hands in anjali mudra (the gesture of reverence). Shadakshari Lokeshvara is the Lokeshvara of the mantra `om mani padme hum'. Instead of the usual jewel on a lotus flower, a bowl filled with jewels rests in front of his feet, and he sits in the lotus position, his henna-coloured soles turned upwards. He is heavily jewelled, with a crown, earrings, necklaces, belt, armlets and anklets. His hair, arranged in the jatamakuta `matted-crown style', is crowned by an image of Amitabha, reminding us that Avalokiteshvara is Amitabha's terrestrial representative. On his left shoulder, below the necklaces, he wears the skin of an antelope, forming his sacred cord, and under his long red dhoti with its design of stylized flowers, is a green undergarment. His throne is carried by the vehicles of the Tathagata: lion, elephant, horse and peacock. The depiction of the traditional animals on the throne back is lively and expressive: the green elephant does not appear to be impressed by the roaring snow lion on his back (Fig. 3a). The jewel-spitting makaras on the transverse beam of the throne bend their tails up in curls, encircling the halo of Shadakshari. Divided from the throne by a red six-lobed back, a fantastic landscape of multicoloured rocks surrounds the composition. Exemplified in their free, early forms in wall paintings of the Dungkar caves dating from the end of the eleventh century (Neumann, `The Eleventh Century Wall-Paintings of the Rediscovered Caves of Dung.dkar in Western Tibet', in Proceedings of the 14th International Conference of the European South Asian Archaeologists, forthcoming), and well known in a stylized form in the thirteenth century thangkas of Taklung monastery (Jane Casey Singer, `Taklung Painting', in Singer, op. cit.), the rocks appear in this painting in a freer composition. Between the rocks, hermits meditate in caves (Fig. 3b).

Avalokiteshvara is accompanied by great paintings of two pairs of deities to his right and left, on the north and south walls. Directly on Shadakshari Lokeshvara's right, on the north wall, sits a four-armed yellow male deity with the same emblems and mudra (gesture). This is Manidhara, the jewel-holder (Fig. 4). Opposite Manidhara, on the south wall, to the left of Shadakshari Lokeshvara, is a white four-armed female deity, again with the same emblems and mudra (Fig. 5). This is Shadakshari Mahavidya, the female personification of the mantra `om mani padme hum' and thus the female counterpart of Shadakshari Lokeshvara. She wears a striped dhoti with an elaborate pattern over a blue undergarment, the folds of which fall gracefully from her knees, and a diaphanous shawl over her shoulders. According to the eleventh/twelfth century Indian text Sadhanamala, the white Manidhara and the yellow Shadakshari Mahavidya are the main attendants of Shadakshari Lokeshvara. At Shalu, the painter has shown these deities precisely as described in the famous old text, with one exception: he has switched their colours. These three central deities are joined by an additional pair of equal size, forming the central pentad of the chapel. To the right of Manidhara, in one of the most beautiful paintings at Shalu, sits a four-armed white male deity, his main pair of hands joined in anjali mudra (Fig. 6). He raises his other two hands in the same way as Shadakshari Lokeshvara, but the right hand holds a festoon of jewels instead of a rosary. The most remarkable characteristic, however, is the seven-fold snake hood (sapta-naga-phana) which protects and surrounds him. The white, blue, yellow and green bodies of the snakes encircle the lower part of the deity, their red tails bent up to join the heads, completing the hood. With the very fine lines of the face, the artist has succeeded in expressing both contemplation and devotion. This is enhanced by the elaborate heavy jewellery which surrounds it: the broad composite necklace, the large discs of the earrings and the heavy golden crown, set with rubies and emeralds. Even the heads of the seven snakes are each crowned with a single jewel set in gold. The deity is one of the seven or eight nagarajas, worshipped in India since ancient times. The nagarajas represent the powers of the underworld. Like the six or seven other nagarajas, he holds a festoon or bouquet of jewels and flowers in the upper right and left hand. His pearl-white colour identifies him as Vasuki, one of the three chief nagarajas. He is emerging from dark blue waters filled by a variety of creatures, including fish, turtles, makaras, snails, ducks and other birds. Directly opposite Vasuki, to the left of Shadakshari Mahavidya, is an impressive image of Hayagriva, one of the most important assistants of Avalokiteshvara, and his chief protector (Fig. 7).

He is easily recognized by the three green horse heads protruding from his wild hair, typical for the Tibetan form of this protector. Surrounded by a circle of flames, Hayagriva is depicted in a complex form with three heads and six arms. The painter has followed a description which in many details corresponds to that transmitted in the Sadhanamala for the eight-armed form. Each of his three heads has three large, bulging eyes. Frowning eyebrows and visible fangs add to the ferocity of his expression. The central red face crowned with fine white skulls is smiling, but the left white face is less benevolent, the fangs biting the lower lip. His sacred cord is formed by snakes. A tiger skin below his large belly is his only garment; in addition, he wears jewellery, a cord of skulls and a human skin, which his two upper hands hold up behind his back. Largely unlike the description in Sadhanamala, his right hands hold a vajra (thunderbolt), a trident and a sword, his left hands hold string and a spear, the lower left hand making the fascination gesture (karana mudra). He is adored by four nagas in different colours who emerge from behind his four left feet (Fig. 7a). The upper parts of their bodies are in human form, while the serpentine lower parts curl up behind Hayagriva's eight feet. Above the paintings of Shadakshari-Mahavidya and Hayagriva are three rows of seated Buddhas (Fig. 8). More rows cover the entire western part of the wall from floor to ceiling. This wall also forms the north wall of the northern twin chapel. The Buddhas are all inscribed with individual names, which correspond in their sequence to a well-known series of the Thousand Buddha Names, List B (according to Friedrich Weller) of the Tibetan Arya-Bhadrakalpica Sutra, which is based on one of the two different Sanskrit sources of the Thousand Buddha Names (L. Chandra, Iconography of the Thousand Buddhas, New Delhi, 1996). These paintings of the Thousand Buddhas perhaps shed light on a part of the architectural history of Shalu, since it is difficult to imagine that they were planned from the beginning to be hidden away in obscure rooms. One might speculate that they were originally completely visible on the three outside walls of the twin chapels and only partially disappeared when the great corridor was built. It therefore seems probable that plans for it did not yet exist when the sgo.sum and bse.sgo.ma lag.khang were constructed. Before the great corridor was added, the Shadakshari chapel must have been more readily accessible. Later, the construction of the corridor with its long, straight walls necessitated covering the corner formed by the outside north wall of the northern twin chapel and the outside west wall of the sgo.sum lag.khang, greatly reducing the accessibility of the Shadakshari chapel. At present only the rows of the Thousand Buddhas on the outside west walls of the Twin chapels are visible, since they are in the great corridor. The outside south wall of the southern twin chapel is also covered with the Thousand Buddhas. This wall is now in a small room, which also owes its existence to the construction of the great corridor and is generally not accessible to visitors. High up under the ceiling on the north wall of the chapel is a painted mandala (Fig. 9). The corners outside the two circles of flames and lotus are filled with a variety of different flowers, connected by stems and creepers growing out of vases positioned symmetrically in the four corners. The style of the floral elements closely corresponds to Chinese embroideries of the Yuan period (see James Watt and Anne Wardwell, When Silk was Gold, New York, 1998, p. 197). In the centre of the mandala sits the blue Tathagata Akshobhya (Fig. 9a).

His right hand is in the bhumisparsha mudra (earth-touching gesture), and the open left hand holds an upright vajra. This is not the famous Akshobhya mandala transmitted by Atisha (982-1054) as one might expect (because of Atisha's stay in Shalu), but is related instead to the Pindikrama Sadhana of Nagarjuna, best known as Mandala No. 2 of Nispannayogavali (B.T. Bhattacharya, ed., Abhayakaragupta, Gaekwad's Oriental Series CIX, Baroda, 1949). It resembles this and the Atisha mandala by showing the four Tathagatas in the main directions: the white Vairochana in the east, the yellow Ratnasambhava in the south, the red Amitabha in the west and the green Amogasiddhi in the north. But whereas the mandalas described in the literature have the four Vajras, goddesses of the senses in the intermediate directions of the first circle, the Shalu mandala shows the four Vajris, goddesses who personify the mantra of the Tathagatas of the four directions: in the southeast, the white Sattvavajri holds a jewel (instead of a vajra, as mostly indicated in the literature for this goddess); in the southwest the yellow Ratnavajri holds the jewel to which she owes her name; in the northwest the red Padmavajri carries the lotus flower indicated in her name; and in the northeast the green Karmavajri carries a double vajra. This mandala is well executed in every detail, even the scrollwork which fills the spaces between the figures and the geometric lines. It is certainly one of the most beautiful early fourteenth century mandalas surviving in Tibet; this and another Akshobhya mandala, which is in the bse.sgo.ma lag.khang, are the only well-preserved mandalas in Shalu. To the right of the Akshobhya mandala a Sanskrit mantra has been inscribed in Tibetan letters. The Shadakshari chapel is of particular interest because of its inscribed spiritual lineage, painted below the ceiling adjacent to the mandala. This is partially repeated on the opposite wall of the chapel. The lineage begins with Avalokiteshvara (thugs.rje chen.po in the inscription), who is easily recognizable by the image of Amitabha on top of his jatamakuta (Fig. 10).

Next in the sequence is the mahasiddha (`great adept') Rahula, holding a bowl and sitting in the typical posture of an Indian siddha (Fig. 11). Rahula is followed by a series of ten dignitaries, wearing the red robes of Tibetan monks. The outer robe completely envelops the body, but is open in the front, showing the underlying dark red robe which leaves the right shoulder bare (Fig. 12). Just like Avalokiteshvara, they are shown holding a lotus in each hand. This lineage of ten historic lamas starts with the great translator (lo.tsha.ba) Rinchen Zangpo (rin.chen bzang.po) born in 958, the most powerful promoter of Buddhism in its second and final propagation in Western Tibet. He is followed by nag.tsho lo.tsha.ba, who was born in 1011 (`when the great translator Rinchen Zangpo was 54'; George N. Roerich, The Blue Annals, Delhi, 1988, p. 328) and was introduced to the cycle of Yamantaka by Atisha (ibid. p. 374). There is a long step from this eleventh century master to the next in the spiritual lineage. Bha.yulba shes.rab.rgyal.tsan (generally known by the name of Dolpo-pa), a famous scholar of the Jonang-pa sect, was born in 1292 and died in 1361. The next, tsul.khyims rgyal.mtsan, is probably identical with a lama of the same name who lived from 1269 to 1343. With the next in the line, rong.pa phyag.sor.ba, we return to the end of the eleventh century, since it is recorded that he was taught the Yamantaka cycle by nag.tsho lo.tsha.ba, the second lama in this line. He also attended to Bromton, the famous disciple of Atisha. This shows that the spiritual lineage cannot be regarded as a historical sequence, but rather a group of spiritual masters sharing a particular interest, probably their strong devotion to Avalokiteshvara. This is definitely the case for the following five lamas, who are all recorded as devotees. Phag.pa lce.sgom is not only called `a devotee of Avalokiteshvara' (ibid., p. 738), but also recorded to have reacted positively to the request of the next in the line, [grub.thob] skyer[.pa] sgang.pa, to be bestowed the initiation of Avalokiteshvara. [Grub.thob] skyer[.pa] sgang.pa's spiritual lineage was continued by sangs.rgyas snjan.pa (ibid., p. 737), who was succeeded by sangs.rgyas ston.pa (d. 1313).

His disciple was chos.kyi.rje gzhon.nu gru.pa, who died in 1319. His chief supporter was the Shalu sku.zhang, the political leader of Shalu, who was responsible for the major enlargement of the Shalu temple in the early fourteenth century (ibid., p. 750). The Blue Annals also record that the year of chos.kyi.rje gzhon.nu gru.pa's death `is the year of the composition of the commentary on the Prajnaparamita by Bu-ston Rimpoche' (ibid.). The series of religious dignitaries is concluded by the mahasiddha Nagarjuna, his head covered by a five-fold snake hood, his hands in the gesture of discourse (dharmachakra mudra) and Simhanada Avalokiteshvara riding on a lion, as his epithet suggests (Fig. 13).

The last four dignitaries on this wall, all devotees of Avalokiteshvara, are again painted and inscribed on the opposite wall, above the paintings of Shadakshari Mahavidya and Hayagriva. They are framed by a painting of Padmasambhava at the start and of the green Tara at the end. Thus this spiritual lineage in the Shadakshari Lokeshvara chapel creates a reference to the most influential political and spiritual leaders in the history of Shalu. This immediately raises the question of why Buton is not represented. The answer is that the chapel was probably painted before his arrival in Shalu in 1320. Most of the religious masters depicted in the chapel were dead by the time their portraits were made, but tsul.khyims rgyal.mtsan, who died in 1343, and bha.yul.ba shes.rab.rgyal.tsan, who died in 1361, were certainly still living. What do we know that can help us to date the murals of the Shadakshari chapel? Because of the lack of inscriptional evidence or historical sources, we have to resort to art-historical comparisons for arriving at an approximate period. Stylistically, the paintings in the Shadakshari chapel resemble those in the sgo.sum and bse.sgo.ma lag.khang. The main deities in the wall paintings of these two chapels are the five Tathagatas. Choosing Vairochana with his white colour for comparison, it is surprising to what extent his representation on the walls of the sgo.sum and bse.sgo.ma lag.khang resemble Shadakshari - the jewels in the crown, the scrolls on both sides of the throne beams - it looks as if they were painted by the same artist (Figs 14 and 15; see also Fig. 3).

Yet there are differences in the proportions of the heads. In the sgo.sum lag.khang, Vairochana's almost appears wider than it is high, as if squeezed to the point where the line of the chin merges with the main line encircling the face. The head of the Vairochana in the bse.sgo.ma lag.khang looks perfectly round, while Shadakshari's head is slightly elongated, and is therefore more natural. Starting from the historical fact that the sgo.sum lag.khang was built towards the end of the thirteenth century, and assuming that the paintings were made directly after construction, we see an evolution from a slightly mannered style in the sgo.sum lag.khang to a more refined style in the bse.sgo.ma lag.khang. The Shadakshari chapel paintings appear to be a continuation from the bse.sgo.ma murals of the early fourteenth century to an even freer style, and might therefore postdate them. The painting of Hayagriva, however, resembles the Nilambara Vajrapani in the sgo.sum chapel in almost every detail, even in the style of the surrounding frames, eyebrows, moustache and beard, so that they appear to be by the same artist (Fig. 16).

Considering the fact that the three chapels under discussion were built just a few years apart, there is reason to believe that some aspects of style are shared between them, while others were evolving. This certainly applies to the physiognomy of the main deities, which appear further developed and more sophisticated in the Shadakshari chapel, thus pointing to a slightly later date. Taking all clues together, as well as the fact that one of the dignitaries whose portrait was painted on the north wall was born only in 1292, one might speculate that the Shadakshari chapel was painted in the second decade of the fourteenth century, just prior to Buton's arrival in Shalu.